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He asked his companions where he was, and on hearing that he was four farsakh from Antioch he repented of having rushed to safety instead of staying to fight to the death. He began to groan and weep for his desertion of his household and children. Overcome by the violence of his grief he fell fainting from his horse. His companions tried to lift him back into the saddle, but they could not get him to sit up, and so left him for dead while they escaped. He was at his last gasp when an Armenian shepherd came past, killed him, cut off his head and took it to the Franks at Antioch.

The Franks had written to the rulers of Aleppo and Damascus to say that they had no interest in any cities but those that had once belonged to Byzantium. This was a piece of deceit calculated to dissuade these rulers from going to the help of Antioch. All the Turkish and Arab forces in Syria rallied to him except for the army from Aleppo.

When the Franks heard of this they were alarmed and afraid, for their troops were weak and short of food. The Muslims advanced and came face to face with the Franks in front of Antioch. They plotted in secret anger to betray him and desert him in the heat of battle. After taking Antioch the Franks camped there for twelve days without food. The wealthy ate their horses and the poor ate carrion and leaves from the trees. He exhorted them to fast and repent for three days, and on the fourth day he led them all to the spot with their soldiers and workmen, who dug everywhere and found the lance as he had told them.

For victory is secure. When all the Franks had come out and not one was left in Antioch, they began to attack strongly, and the Muslims turned and fled. The Muslims were completely routed without striking a single blow or firing a single arrow.

When the Franks saw this they were afraid that a trap was being set for them, for there had not even been any fighting to flee from, so they dared not follow them. The Franks killed them by the thousand and stripped their camp of food and possessions, equipment, horses and arms, with which they re-equipped themselves.

The inhabitants valiantly defended their city. When the Franks realized the fierce determination and devotion of the defenders they built a wooden tower as high as the city wall and fought from the top of it, but failed to do the Muslims any serious harm. The Church of St. Their appearance in the city terrified the Muslims, who shut themselves up in their houses. For three days the slaughter never stopped; the Franks killed more than , men and took innumerable prisoners.

Although they breached the wall in many places they failed to storm it. However they did not succeed in taking Acre. When the Franks defeated the Turks at Antioch the massacre demoralized them, and the Egyptians, who saw that the Turkish armies were being weakened by desertion, besieged Jerusalem under the command of al-Afdal ibn Badr al-Jamali. The Egyptians brought more than forty siege engines to attack Jerusalem and broke down the walls at several polnts. The inhabitants put up a defence, and the siege and fighting went on for more than six weeks.

They made for Damascus and then crossed the Euphrates. After their vain attempt to take Acre by siege, the Franks moved on to Jerusalem and besieged it for more than six weeks. They built two towers, one of which, near Sion, the Muslims burnt down, killing everyone inside it. It had scarcely ceased to burn before a messenger arrived to ask for help and to bring the news that the other side of the city had fallen.

The population was put to the sword by the Franks, who pillaged the area for a week. A band of Muslims barricaded themselves into the Oratory of David1 and fought on for several days. They were granted their lives in return for surrendering. The Franks honoured their word, and the group left by night for Ascalon. The Fatimid vizier. In fact the date given here is wrong: the Egyptians took Jerusalem in August Not to be confused with a small sanctuary of the same name in the Temple precinct. The Franks stripped the Dome of the Rock2 of more than forty silver candelabra, each of them weighing 3, drams, and a great silver lamp weighing forty-four Syrian pounds, as well as a hundred and fifty smaller silver candelabra and more than twenty gold ones, and a great deal more booty.

On Friday they went to the Cathedral Mosque and begged for help, weeping so that their hearers wept with them as they described the sufferings of the Muslims in that Holy City: the men killed, the women and children taken prisoner, the homes pillaged. Because of the terrible hardships they had suffered, they were allowed to break the fast.

Abu l-Muzaffar al-Abiwardi1 composed several poems on this subject, in one of which he says: We have mingled blood with flowing tears, and there is no room left in us for pity? Dare you slumber in the blessed shade of safety, where life is as soft as an orchard flower? How can the eye sleep between the lids at a time of disasters that would waken any sleeper?

Must the foreigners feed on our ignominy, while you trail behind you the train of a pleasant life, like men whose world is at peace? When blood has been spilt, when sweet girls must for shame hide their lovely faces in their hands! This is war, and the man who shuns the whirlpool to save his life shall grind his teeth in penitence. It was from this Mosque that the conquerors took their booty. The two sanctuaries are often confused in both Arabic and European sources. For fear of death the Muslims are evading the fire of battle, refusing to believe that death will surely strike them.

The former governor of Malatia had a treaty of friendship with Bohemond and asked for his help. They came to a fortress called Ankuriyya, took it and killed the Muslims they found there, before passing on to another fort, which they besieged. Battle was joined, the ambush sprung and of the , Franks only 3, escaped, during the night, and even they were wounded and exhausted. The Frankish army from Antioch came out to challenge him, but he fought and defeated them.

All this happened in the space of a few months. They already held Edessa by agreement with its inhabitants, most of whom were Armenians with only a few Muslims. They slaughtered most of the men, enslaved the women and sacked the city. Only those who succeeded in getting out of the city escaped with their lives. Saint-Gilles, defeated, retired into Syria with men. They gathered at the gates of Tripoli and challenged Saint-Gilles to battle.

The Frankish prince ordered of his men to attack the detachment from Tripoli, more the army from Damascus, and another 50 the party from Hims. He kept the remaining 50 at his side. The men from Hims fled at the mere sight of the enemy, followed by the men from Damascus. Only the men from Tripoli stood firm and gave battle. When SaintGilles understood what had happened, he led a charge of the other Franks against the Muslims, scattered them and killed 7, of them. Then he settled down to besiege Tripoli, aided by local men from the hills and the surrounding countryside, most of them Christians.

The citizens defended themselves stubbornly, and Franks were killed. Saint-Gilles made a pact with them, and in return for money and horses left Tripoli to attack Tortosa in the same province. In the battle that took place the Muslims were victorious and captured one of the leading Franks, for whom Saint-Gilles offered a ransom of , dinar1 and 1, prisoners; but the offer was refused. It is hardly necessary to point out that this is a ridiculous exaggeration, as is often the case with figures given by the Muslim chroniclers.

It was not long before he sent em issaries through Syria to Qinnasrin and the surrounding area to demand tribute. On the morning after his death Saint-Gilles appeared at the walls of Hims, which he besieged and took. He brought up siege engines and towers, and blockaded the harbour with sixteen galleys. God gave the Muslims a glorious victory and cast down the infidels. When Baldwin of Jerusalem heard the news he marched out against them at the head of cavalry. But God granted the Muslims victory and the Franks were routed with heavy losses.

Baldwin tried to escape by hiding in a cane-brake but he was smoked out, badly burned. He fled to Ramla, closely pursued by the Muslims, and succeeded in reaching Haifa, although many of his followers died or were captured. Saint-Gilles used these as land and sea reinforcements in his siege of Tripoli, and continued his attack on the city. When the inhabitants realized that further resistance was useless they sued for peace and handed over the city.

The city was besieged by land and sea.

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He put up a vigorous resistance under repeated attacks, but finally capitulated and abandoned the city. The Franks took it by assault, and unleashed the full violence of their brutality on the population. The governor escaped to Damascus but after a while returned to Egypt to defend his conduct before al-Afdal, who accepted his explanation. Their terrorist activities, to which every history of the Crusades contains numerous references, were as unwelcome to the Muslims as to the Franks.

This man, with popular support, rebelled against Qaraja because he was a tyrant, whereas al-Isfahani was an intelligent and energetic man. Each declared that he offered himself to God and sought a reward in heaven alone. The Muslims pretended to retreat, and were followed for about two farsakh by the Franks.

Then they turned on their pursuers and massacred them. Bohemond of Antioch and Tancred of Galilee were at some distance from the main body of the army, hidden behind a hill from which they were to fall on the Muslims from the rear at the height of the battle. When they emerged they found the Franks in flight and their land being pillaged.

They waited for nightfall and then retreated, followed by the Muslims, who killed and captured many of their number. Bohemond and Tancred, with six knights, escaped to safety. Baldwin of Edessa fled with a group of his counts. Thinking that their companions were returning in victory the Franks came out of the first of the forts, and were killed.

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The Muslims took the fort and repeated the trick with the other strongholds. He fixed the ransom at 35 dinar and a hundred and sixty Muslim prisoners. The Frankish dead numbered about 12, When Joscelin reached Manbij he captured and sacked it. The Count, free and safely back in Antioch, was given 30, dinar, horses, arms, and clothing, by Tancred, who had taken over the city while the Count was in prison.

Now Baldwin applied to Tancred to restore the city to him, but met with no response. These men used to fight one-another and then after the contest would meet to dine and talk. He gave them clothes and sent them on their way. Tancred returned to Antioch with the problem of Edessa still unresolved. This led to a brawl. When he realized that they would not obey him he was afraid to stay at his post, and led his army in a retreat. Many Muslims were killed and their possessions taken by Tancred. The Frankish armies unleashed all their ferocity on the Muslims. They were well treated: the wounded were cared for, the naked clothed, and all set on their way home.

Tancred supported Cerdagne and Baldwin supported Bertrand. In a field there he encountered a Frank. He was about to kill him, but the Frank struck back and killed Cerdagne. After this the Franks turned their full attention to Tripoli. They brought up all their troops to attack it and to press the inhabitants to surrender. They brought siege-towers against the walls, and when the inhabitants saw this display of force they lost heart and were sure that there was no hope for them.

They sacked the city, captured the men and enslaved the women and children. They seized an immense quantity of loot and treasure as well as the contents of the city library,1 works of art and heirlooms belonging to the local notables. The lives of the governor and his soldiers were spared.

They soon arrived in Damascus, but the rest of the population was subjected to terrible ordeals and cruel tortures, its possessions confiscated and its hidden treasures dragged to light. The Franks and Genoese agreed each to take a third of the land and booty and to leave a third for Bertrand. As for Baldwin, they put aside from the total a share that would satisfy him. Supplies were very short and the citizens hard-pressed. He offered them their lives in exchange for the city, and they accepted his terms. Fakhr al-Mulk got away with his life and promises that he would be treated with respect and consideration by the Franks.

Soon after this the Egyptian fleet arrived. In manpower, number of vessels and quantity of equipment and stores it was larger than any that had ever sailed from an Egyptian port. But the fleet could delay no longer, and set sail with the next fair wind for Egypt.

They took Tarsus, imprisoned the governor and overran the district. After returning to Antioch they set out again for Shaizar, and demanded a tribute of 10, dinar, after devastating the province. This helped the inhabitants to recover their enthusiasm. Then Baldwin sent to Suwaidiyya1 to ask for the help of the Genoese fleet there.

They brought up the two siege-towers and fought ferociously. In 1 The port of Antioch. In the evening the Franks made a breakthrough and forced their way into the city. The governor fled with a few companions, but they were brought back by the Franks, the whole party executed and the money they had with them confiscated. The city was sacked, the inhabitants captured and enslaved and their money and goods seized. A short time later a party of cavalry arrived to assist the city. When they came to the Jordan they met a small band of Franks, turned tail and fled into the mountains, where many of them perished.

They begged him to defer the date set for the payment of the tribute they owed him and he agreed, after setting the sum at 6, dinar instead of the 2, that he had demanded before that. Then he returned to Jerusalem for the pilgrimage. They made for Jerusalem, and King Baldwin came out to meet them and to decide with them their plans for the invasion of the Muslim empire.

The Franks spent several days building a siege-tower covered with brushwood, matting and fresh ox-hides, to repulse stones and Greek fire. They mounted the tower on wheels, and on the day of battle they provided it with weapons and water and vinegar to put out fires. Then they moved into attack with it. The sight of it filled the people of Sidon with despair, for they feared a fate like that of Beirut. The qadi of the city and a group of elders came out and appeared before the Franks to ask Baldwin to spare their lives.

He guaranteed the safety of the citizens and the army, as well as of their possessions, and promised that any who wanted to go to Damascus should be free to leave Sidon. Baldwin restored the city to order, installed a garrison and then returned to Jerusalem. A short while later he returned to Sidon and imposed a tax of more than 20, dinar on the remaining Muslim inhabitants, taxing their last penny and reducing them to poverty.

They used force to extort money from those they knew to be concealing some. Messengers and messages 2 Sigurd I, King of Norway. They made the preacher come down from the pulpit and then smashed it to pieces. They made such a commotion that the people could not offer the obligatory prayers. He called on them to rouse themselves and summon all their energies to strike before the damage was beyond repair and reached too serious proportions.

He for his part had already tried by force to prevent the Frankish armies from passing through his lands into Islamic territory. But if their armies and reinforcements came pouring into the Muslim empire by the direct route, necessity would force him to treat with them and allow them to pass through his lands, and to help them to achieve their aims and objects. He begged and prayed that all would unite to combat the Franks and would make common cause with him to extirpate them from these realms.

They begged him not to delay in sending a large contingent of his Turks A true or presumed descendant of Muhammad; a privileged class that enjoyed great prestige among the Muslims. Unity between the two, sometimes strengthened by marriage bonds, was not always perfect. He ordered his men to cut down all the trees and date-palms and to build permanent livingquarters under the city walls.

Several vain attempts were made to take the city by storm. But the reinforcements failed to get into the city. Meanwhile the Franks had begun work on two wooden towers for use against the walls of Tyre. They set guards over the trenches and the towers and were able to ignore his manoeuvres as well as his raids into their territories. Winter came on, causing little harm to the Franks on the hard, sandy region where their camp was sited, but bringing much suffering to the Turkish army.

None the less they continued their raids and their efforts to cut the Frankish supply lines and intercept their convoys. They cut the bridge on the road to Sidon to prevent reinforcements from arriving by that route. The Franks reverted to bringing in all their supplies by sea. A number of sailors were killed and about twenty ships fired where they lay drawn up on the shore. In about eleven weeks the building of the two towers and their battering-rams was completed.

The smaller of the two was more than forty cubits high; the larger, more than fifty. They failed to set fire directly to either of their objectives, but they started a blaze near the smaller one in a place where the Franks could not extinguish it, and the wind blew it on to the tower. In spite of the fierce struggle put up by the men inside the tower, it burnt down. The Muslims 1 The Fatimid vizier, mentioned above, who should have been the first to come to the aid of these coastal towns, which were all nominally Egyptian.

When the Muslims realized that the Franks, occupied with fighting the fire in the towers, had given up their attack on the walls, they too let the attack from the ramparts drop. Then the Franks turned on them, drove them back from the towers, extinguished the fires, and set a large detachment of picked guards to protect the towers and the catapults. They brought one of the towers up close to the wall, filling in the three trenches in front of it.

The Muslims broke through the wall at the point where the Frankish. The props caught fire, the wall fell down in front of the tower, and it was no longer possible to bring the tower up close under the wall and assault the city from there. The wall where they had attacked it was quickly repaired, while the towers to either side of it dominated it and prevented the mobile tower from getting any closer on that side. So the Franks cleared away the accumulation of rubble and dragged the tower up to another part of the city wall, which they began to batter with rams slung in the tower.

The wall cracked, stones fell out in places, and the defenders were on the brink of disaster. Then an officer of the fleet from Tripoli, an experienced, intelligent and observant man, thought of making iron hooks to pinion the heads and sides of the rams when they struck the wall, by means of ropes guided by men from the walls, so that the pull on them caused the towers to heel over. The Franks themselves were forced to cut down some of the rams for fear of destroying the tower. At other times the ram would bend and break, and at other times it was smashed to pieces by two boulders roped together and flung from the walls.

The Franks made several rams, which were all smashed in the same way. Each one was sixty cubits long, with a block of iron at one end weighing more than twenty pounds, and was attached to the tower with ropes. Again and again the rams were repaired and the tower brought up to the wall again. Then the sailor of whom we spoke invented another weapon. A long beam of unseasoned timber was set up on the wall in front of the tower. At one end of the pivoting beam was an iron spar, and at the other end ropes running on pulleys, by means of which the operators could hoist buckets of dung and refuse and empty them over the Franks working in the tower, and so prevent their working the rams.

The Franks found themselves working under great difficulties and unable to keep up the attack. Then the sailor had grape-panniers and baskets filled with oil, pitch, wood-shavings, resin and cane-bark, set on fire and hoisted up, in the manner described, to the level of the Frankish tower. The flames caught the top of the tower, and as fast as the Franks put them out with vinegar and water, the Muslims hurried to send over more fire-buckets; they also poured small vessels of boiling oil over the tower to feed the flames. The fire grew and spread, overcame the two men working at the top of the tower, killing one and forcing the other to go down, enveloped the top platform and crept down to the next and then the next, consuming the wooden structure and overcoming the men working on the platforms.

Unable to extinguish it, the Franks in and around the tower fled.

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The citizens of Tyre came out, raided the tower, and took away vast quantities of arms, equipment and supplies. They burnt down the encampment that they had built and many of the ships drawn up on the shore, from which they had taken masts, rudders and implements to build the towers. In all they had about two hundred vessels of all sizes, of which about thirty were men-of-war. The siege had lasted for four and a half months. The Franks went to Acre and from there dispersed to their cities. The people of Tyre emerged from their city to reap the reward of their victory.

The Turks who had been sent to help them returned to Damascus, less about twenty men killed in the fighting, and there received their pay1 and their monthly stipends. There is no other case of a Frankish tower being burnt down, as this one was, from top to bottom. Tyre lost men, and the Franks about 2,, according to reliable witnesses. Then, after labouring hard and battling with the Franks until God freed Tyre of its troubles, he returned to Damascus. The citizens of Tyre began to rebuild their walls where the Franks had broken them down, restored the trenches to their former shape and size, and fortified the city.

The volunteer infantry dispersed. The same word is used here for both, which is sometimes confusing. Messengers arrived from Aleppo begging Ilghazi to hurry there as the Franks were raiding al-Atharib, south of Aleppo, and morale was low. They goaded Ilghazi into an immediate encounter with the enemy. To this they cheerfully swore. As dawn broke they saw the Muslim standards advancing to surround them completely. God gave victory to the Muslims. The Franks who fled to their camp were slaughtered.

The Turks fought superbly, charging the enemy from every direction like one man. Arrows flew thick as locusts, and the Franks, with missiles raining down on infantry and cavalry alike, turned and fled. The cavalry was destroyed, the infantry cut to pieces, the followers and servants were all taken prisoner. A few of the leaders got away, but almost 15, men fell in the battle, which took place on Saturday 28 June at midday.

A signal of victory reached Aleppo as the Muslims were assembled for the noon prayer in the Great Mosque. They felt a great groan go up, seeming to come from the west; and yet none of the soldiers from the victorious army reached the city until the hour of the afternoon prayer.

The peasants burned the Frankish dead; in one charred corpse more than forty arrows were found. When the prisoners were brought before him he noticed one of magnificent physique, who had been captured by a small, thin, ill-armed Muslim. The man who captured me was a great man, greater and stronger than I, and he handed me over to this fellow. He wore a green robe and rode a green horse!

When they heard this the Muslims flew toward them like hawks flying to protect their nests, and in less time than it took for their glances to meet the two armies came to blows. The Muslims charged and surrounded the Franks, driving them back with swords and arrows. And God—to whom be the praise! Even Roger, their leader, was found stretched out among the dead. Some who were there said that they had walked over the battlefield, to witness the splendid miracle sent by God, and had seen dead horses bristling like hedgehogs with the arrows sticking out of them. Meanwhile Antioch lay open, with no one to protect it, deserted by its champions, a prize for whoever came first to claim it, waiting for the man who could take it.

Several times he had been imprisoned by the Muslims, in war and in peace, but his famous stratagems and skilful manoeuvring had got him out. At his death he was succeeded by a man who lacked his good sense and gift for kingship; the new King was Fulk, Count of Anjou, who came out by sea from his homeland. Faced with the threat of Zangi, none of these hesitated to make an alliance with the Franks. He besieged them and raided them, and in this way forced the Franks to abandon their campaign and return home. He surrounded it and began to attack it and try to storm it.

The Franks marshalled their cavalry and infantry and set out, kings, counts and barons together, against the Atabeg Zangi to make him lift the siege. But Zangi was unmoved. The Ata-beg cut off all means of communication with the fort, so that not even news of their homelands got inside, so closely were movements controlled by Zangi and so great was the fear of him. They said that the Muslims had but one ambition: to march on Jerusalem.

So the Christians flocked to Syria by land and sea. Among them was the Byzantine Emperor. They had not believed that anyone could put them on the defensive—they had been expecting to take over the whole of Syria themselves. When they ran out of food they ate their horses, and then they were forced to ask for terms. They requested Zangi to guarantee their lives until they reached their own domains. At first he refused to accept their terms, but hearing that the Emperor and the rest of the Franks were approaching Syria he granted the men in the fort their lives and fixed the ransom at 50, dinar.

They accepted his terms and yielded up the fort to him. When they emerged they learnt that a great concourse was on its way to save them, and reproached themselves for having surrendered, unaware of what was happening outside the fort. When Zangi assumed command the people breathed again, the countryside blossomed and soon began to bring in a large revenue. It was an unqualified victory, as anyone who saw it knows. When the Franks took the town they seized their possessions, and at the reconquest their descendants and survivors presented themselves before Zangi to ask for restitution of their belongings.

He asked to see the documents giving proof of ownership, but they replied that the Franks had taken everything, including the title-deeds. He had the land registers in Aleppo examined, and anyone for whom there was an entry for the land tax on a particular holding was given that land. John II Comnenus — On his arrival at Darayya the advance parties of the two sides came to blows.

On Friday 28th Zangi advanced in force on the side of the city where the Musalla3 was, and won a victory against a great host composed of the citizen militia and peasants. There was wholesale slaughter. Survivors were killed or imprisoned. Those who could, whether or not they were wounded, escaped to the city. Zangi took his prisoners back to camp, and for the next few days undertook no operations. But his advisers rejected this view. For several days Zangi sent out his troops in raiding parties, without deploying his full force or completing the blockade, in order to avoid violence and to act like a man restrained by peaceful intentions and a reluctance to indulge in bloodshed and pillage.

The people were overcome by this coincidence of day and hour, and gave praise and glory to God. They swore solemn oaths of loyalty and obedience, faithful service and counsel. Thus the matter was settled. But things did not go as he had anticipated: he found the civil and military authorities of Damascus firm in their decision to fight it out and to continue their resistance and opposition to him. He returned to camp discouraged and furious. At this point the Franks agreed to give Damascus support and help in driving Zangi back and prevent his getting what he wanted.

The agreement was sealed with a solemn oath, and each side gave guarantees that it would The ancient Coelesyria, between Lebanon and Antilebanon. The Franks asked for a certain sum of money for them to use on any operations that they undertook, and also for hostages, for their own peace of mind. This was agreed, and money and hostages—relatives of the army commanders—were handed over.

Then the Franks began their preparations for assisting Damascus, and messages passed between them in which it was agreed that the Franks should concentrate their resources on the other forts and towns in the area, to drive off Zangi and prevent his achieving his ambition of taking Damascus, before he became so powerful and well-equipped that he could break through the Frankish lines and attack their own territories. This man, you will understand, had taken his men on a raiding mission in the region of Tyre and there crossed the path. This was the situation at the end of dhu l-hijja of that year….

At the Musalla he had attacked the city wall unnoticed, for the citizens were all deep in the final hours of sleep. As dawn broke they realized what was happening and a great cry of anguish went up as they rushed to their posts on the walls. The gates opened and the citizen cavalry and infantry came out. The two sides came to blows and a large number of troops were involved The Ghuta is the fertile belt of gardens and orchards around Damascus; all the place-names in this passage refer to places in and around Damascus.

These rounded up vast numbers of horses and cattle, sheep, lambs, oxen, and household goods, for their action had taken the city completely by surprise. That night Zangi camped at Marj Rahit, so that his men could reassemble with their booty, and then left by the northern route, taking a vast quantity of booty with him. Barely two years after this triumph his hero was assassinated while fighting other Muslims. He bequeathed his political and military ambitions to his son Nur ad-Din Norandin , Sultan of Aleppo.

Zangi had always coveted Edessa and watched for a chance to achieve his ambition. Edessa was never out of his thoughts or far from his mind. At last he heard that Joscelin II Prince of Edessa, with a large part of his army, the flower of his gallant company of knights, had been killed in battle far away from the city. When Zangi heard the news he hastened to besiege and blockade Edessa with a large force.

He sent to summon the aid of the Turcomans, in fulfilment of their obligations in the Holy War. Large numbers answered his appeal and they completely surrounded the city, intercepting all supplies and reinforcements. Catapults drawn up against the walls battered at them ceaselessly, and nothing interrupted the remorseless struggle. The next step was to light the fires, and they applied to Zangi for permission. This was given after he had been into the tunnels to inspect them and had admired their imposing work. The wooden supports were fired, flames spread and devoured the beams, the walls above the tunnels crumbled, and the Muslims took the city by storm.

Choose your country's store to see books available for purchase. See if you have enough points for this item. Sign in. Volume 9 of the Routledge History of Philosophy surveys ten key topics in the philosophy of science, logic and mathematics in the twentieth century. Each of the essays is written by one of the world's leading experts in that field. The volume also contains a helpful chronology to the major scientific and philosophical events in the twentieth century.

It also provides an extensive glossary of technical terms in the notes on major figures in these fields. Philosophy of Mathematics. James Robert Brown. Ian Hacking. Causality and Modern Science. Mario Bunge. The Routledge Companion to Metaphysics. Robin Le Poidevin. John Preston. Karl Popper. Donald Gillies.

Realism and the Aim of Science. The Philosophy of Science.

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Britannica Educational Publishing. William Lane Craig. Juliette Kennedy. Hilary Putnam. Reason, Truth and History. Inductive Logic. Dov M. Germinal Life. Keith Ansell-Pearson. Scientific Realism. Stathis Psillos. Meaning in Mathematics. John Polkinghorne. A Realist Theory of Science. Roy Bhaskar. A Companion to the Philosophy of Time. Adrian Bardon. Combining Science and Metaphysics.

Metaphysical Grounding. Fabrice Correia. Cause for Thought. John W. Wittgenstein and Quine. Robert Arrington. The Rationality of Science. New Ways of Ontology. Fritz Plasser. The Routledge Companion to Thought Experiments. Michael T Stuart. Philosophical Darwinism. Peter Munz. The Oxford Handbook of Causation.

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Helen Beebee. Science and the Life-World. David Hyder. An Introduction to Metametaphysics. Tuomas E. Images of Empiricism. Bradley Monton. Insights and Illusions of Philosophy. Jean Piaget. Cosmological and Psychological Time. Yuval Dolev. If a chair is drawn up to a table, it is a sign that he is to sit in it; if a person extends his right hand, he is to extend his; and so on in a never ending stream of detail.

The prevailing habits of using the products of human art and the raw materials of nature constitute by all odds the deepest and most pervasive mode of social control. Dewey observes:. The individual is held accountable for what he has done in order that he may be responsive in what he is going to do. Gradually persons learn […] to hold themselves accountable, and liability becomes a voluntary deliberate acknowledgment that deeds are our own, that their consequences come from us. MW Force, authority, or organization dominate when the usual processes of associated action are ignored, breakdown or had never been established.

And their descriptions depend on philosophical starting points that fix onto causal givens. External factors are fixed as predominant in determining the balance of pressure and resistance, when a social system fails to coordinate conjoint accomplishments. Here identifying power with organized and self-directed activity, Dewey narrows the use of the term power to instances of operations within social media. Coercive force and violence are interactional and rely on external or objective types of control. For example, political science has long held the view that power is a question of who controls in whose interests.

The result is to focus attention on interactional types of power, prefiguring conclusions confirming domination by the few. For example, empiricist foundations foreshadow an agency notion of power, realism a dispositional notion, and interpretism a disciplinary notion of power.

Various philosophical perspectives specify primary forces that prefigure what power is and how it can be organized. They offer distinct and different insights by privileging diverse meta-theoretical foundations or givens. This means that different meta-theoretical starting points interpret phenomena through the lenses of various types of relational phenomena, phenomena seen to involve conflict between interacting elements and to have the prerogative of being the decisive fixed and final factor as the source of causation.


This focuses on which values control action and how these values shape ways of operating in order to control their effects. In the Quest for Certainty , Dewey writes:. When theories of values do not afford intellectual assistance in framing ideas and beliefs about values that are adequate to direct action, the gap must be filled by other means. If intelligent method is lacking, prejudice, the pressure of immediate circumstance, self-interest and class-interest, traditional customs, institutions of accidental historic origin, are not lacking, and they tend to take the place of intelligence.

Thus we are led to our main proposition: Judgments about values are judgments about the conditions and the results of experienced objects; judgments about that which should regulate the formation of our desires, affections and enjoyments. For whatever decides their formation will determine the main course of our conduct, personal and social. The structure of power, thus, arises from and can be analyzed by examining the ways actors operate to control events.

Examining what values control ways of functioning exposes what matters most and for what ends. Here again the three overlapping circles of analysis — inquiry, experience, and social media — come into play. The practical character of knowledge means that motives and practices of activity are neither given by external authority nor permanently fixed see Dewey Working from a pragmatist tradition, C. Wright Mills expresses this idea in his discussion of the cultural apparatus.

Rather than being subordinated to the purely subjective or an independent reality, experience is a matter of the transaction of a living being within its environment, the ways the objective world affects human action and is in turn modified by it. The use of these cultural tools or habits operates in the unfolding of trajectories within a medium. Habits for Dewey reflect prior activity, provide an ordering of elements for action, are projective and dynamic, and are operative in making activity manifest MW They also give form to stages in a sequence of ordering a situation through craftsmanship.

Tom Burke interestingly offers an innovative suggestion for a way of analyzing the operation of the cultural apparatus. Such a project may aid in clarifying links between operations and effects, even facilitating in formulating the way connections between conditions and consequences may yield desirable results. In short, a first step in unpacking structures of praxis and power must be to examine the logical operations or habits by which the subject-matter of an existing social medium prescribes and projects norms and ends and how these include or exclude, privilege or deprive, the particular interests comprising the conditions within which agents operate.

This locates agency within cultural toolkits and appreciates its transactional dynamics, identifying initiative in deciding problems and possible responses. By implication, this view rejects the dualism of agency and structure central to current debates about power; instead, it offers the view that there is only human praxis and that action generates effects that are often reified and taken as structural forces in their own right.

As human actors undergo a circumstance, they simultaneously attempt to control it. He is also an agent — a reactor, one trying experiments, one concerned with undergoing in a way which may influence what is still to happen. Analyzing the way agents use things to operate within the dynamic and interdependent relations of specific situations, then, reveals the loci of initiative within the media and the craftsmanship of agents in functioning to sustain complex systems of cultural operations.

In so doing, thinking concludes with a conjecture which serves as the criterion determining conduct transforming a questionable situation. Judgment selects and applies a standard or rule of operation that terminates a problematic situation and creates an existential unity Burke They are instrumental because they facilitate the achievement of desired ends through coordination and control of collective accomplishment. When bureaucratic organization, the imperatives of technical necessity, or the privileging of rational self-interest become uppermost, action is mechanical and self-indulgent.

Absolutes or externally divined duty also denies participation. While the theory of praxis and power frame a transactional description of activity, it also facilitates the analysis of patterns of control in interactional and self-actional modes of praxis.

Whatever the type of social conjunction, examining how values shape its modes of operating illuminates the substantive consequences of what gets done. Agency and structuralist formulations attribute the generation and exercise of power to the balance of resources, consent, traditions, or institutions. Structuralists locate the control of interests and decisions in objective institutional constraints and mechanisms.

It also contrasts with self-actional descriptions of difference making.

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Each of these identifies power as the result of external imposition. Power arises from intellectual control of participation in conjoint association and it the distribution of control depends on the purposes animating the flow linking agent and environment into modes of activity. This means that control inheres in the values directing the flow of actions forming the social apparatus. In patterning interactions actors use ideas and habits as practical guides to particular consequences, as the tools for constituting social co-operation.

Changing the social expectations agents use to hold themselves accountable for their behavior redefines the way things get done. As understandings directing activity, ideas are operative predispositions. The practical effect is to establish the accountability that controls conduct in particular contexts. Further, because transactions are dynamic and contingent applications of operations to social situations, power is created, variable, and tentative as agents conjointly engage in transactions arising from changing problems. Not fixed and given, variation in structure occurs as agents respond to their situations, for example, the fading of a honeymoon phase of a newly elected US President.

Thus, power is intrinsic to human conduct, since inquiry and judgment afford control of ways of acting on and with things and the differences made. The transactional view dispels the philosophical realist notion that agents are mere bearers of the interests of institutions and that power lies in controlling institutional incentives as well as the critical realist contention that structure is the medium and result of agency. Action that is informed and deliberate is intelligent, projecting desirable effects and checking their results.

This enables human beings to control the quality of their future experience Thayer As adaptive behavior, the intelligent use of ideas through the scrutiny of consequences makes possible more fruitful and desirable experience LW 1: Therefore, intelligence, inquiry, and ideas enable individuals to make a difference to themselves and to the contexts in which they operate. Human beings are participants and experimenters in organic processes, including a community of inquiry. By turning conditions into consequences, ideas operationalize values; they give expression to what is regarded as worthy.

Social transactions rely on and produce socially regulated behavior. Inquiry into the desirable or undesirable influences the character or habits of the inquirer and requires the application of a standard of judgment that actualizes priorities Kennedy The organization of energy into social media increases working efficiency. The more efficiently power operates the less external, violent force will be relied upon. Moreover, the more direct power is, the more it is open to public controversy. Since direct control operates in a more exposed arena, it incites further coercion in order to suppress emerging conflict.

Contrary to an empiricist worldview in which agents engage in overt tests of strength and imposition, the efficient achievement of ends depends on organizing the way individuals coordinate their own actions within the larger project of collective accomplishment. It makes evident that ideologies rely on political rhetoric or metaphor functioning to blind us to the ways their theoretical starting points entail power and effects. This critical function is important to creative democracy, based on challenges to and judgment about the use of power for common good and growth Hildred , In Experience and Nature , Dewey recounts this critical analytical method, namely, the philosophical fallacy, as a way of unmasking the effects of theoretical starting points LW 1:

An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2 An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2
An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2 An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2
An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2 An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2
An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2 An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2
An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2 An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2
An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2 An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2
An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2 An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2
An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2 An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2
An Objective Theory of Probability (Routledge Revivals): Volume 2

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